Identifying Personal Biases Is Essential for Teachers to Work Effectively With Diverse Families. ​

An emerging field of psychological research is concerned with the experiences of positive change post-obit traumatic events. To date, few studies have examined this miracle with not-adult and not-western populations. Yet, findings from previous studies exploring trauma reactions within not-western kid refugee populations accept commented upon the 'remarkable resilience' that young people demonstrate in surviving a wide range of human atrocities. In the UK, many aviary seeking young people looked after past social services not only seem to manage and cope well with the effects of their traumatic experiences, but some proceed to achieve a very high quality of life, for case excelling in academic pursuits. A greater understanding of the procedure of positive change following trauma may prove beneficial to clinicians and professionals working with this vulnerable group of young people, helping to maximise their potential for recovery and growth. The study presented here aimed to explore the process of positive change and post-traumatic growth within a sample of eight unaccompanied refugee minors living in the Great britain. An interpretative phenomenological analytical arroyo was used as a footing for interviews which explored participants' subjective experiences of positive change following their survival of multiple traumas. Information assay revealed four main themes: the impact of trauma, variables influencing the procedure of positive alter, positive outcomes and dissonance. The findings emphasise the importance of helping young people to admission a broad range of supportive networks and, at the aforementioned fourth dimension, providing a rubber infinite in which they can talk about the trauma they experienced. Overall, the findings propose that professionals can play a vital role in helping immature people cope effectively with trauma and rebuild their lives.

Keywords

positive change, post-traumatic growth, PTSD, unaccompanied refugee minors

Introduction

In recent years, the United kingdom has seen a dramatic increment in the number of people seeking aviary. Bardsley and Storkey (2000) estimated refugee populations living in the London expanse to exist effectually 240 000. Davies and Webb (2000) comment that at least 40% of the above figure represents children, some of whom arrived unaccompanied. A review of the literature has emphasised the vulnerability of kid refugee populations to developing a range of problems in biological, social and psychological operation following their survival of multiple traumas. However, many of these studies have also commented on the 'remarkable resilience' demonstrated by refugee children, and have highlighted this as an important surface area of future inquiry (Ajdukovic and Ajdukovic, 1998; Kohli and Mather, 2003).

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms such as intrusive re-experiencing, hyperarousal and avoidance ordinarily present following traumatic experiences. A review of the literature has found prevalence rates in developed refugee populations ranging from 16% to 38% (De Jong et al, 2001, cited in Greenish, 2003). In comparisonwith adult populations, information technology is only relatively recently that researchers take investigated the effects of trauma on kid populations in both refugee and non-refugee populations. In that location is a full general consensus amidst many researchers that the caste of psychological distress experienced by refugee children exposed to the trauma of war is significantly higher than in general populations who take been exposed to different traumatic events duringpeacetime (Ajduckovic and Ajdukovic, 1998; Sourander, 1998; Fazel and Stein, 2002; Yule et al, 2003). Fazel and Stein (2002) reviewed a serial of studies exploring the prevalence rates of mental health problems amongst Cambodian child refugees, and found PTSD rates to be at the level of 40% immediately following trauma, increasing to 48% three years later and 'withal prominent'at six years (Fazel and Stein, 2002).

As all the same, there is a singled-out lack of studies investigating the mental health of unaccompanied refugee minors in their host country. In searching psychological databases, only one written report by Sourander (1998) was identified that aimed to explore the mental wellbeing of unaccompanied refugee minors in their host country. Sourander (1998) plant that around 50% of unaccompaniedminors accessing a refugee centre in Republic of finland presented with emotional and behavioural symptoms that reached the clinical or borderline range.

What the above studies also demonstrate is that around fifty% of refugee children are not presenting with PTSD or other types of emotional and behavioural pathology that reach clinical significance. This fact has largely been ignored by many researchers inside the field (Glenn, 2002). The trend to focus on identifying negative symptoms within the refugee population has been criticised by Berman (2001). She comments on how studies have highlighted 'weakness and deficits', while 'simultaneously overlook[ing] the strengths and resources that enable children to abound and thrive in the face of seemingly overwhelming challenges'(Berman , 2001).

Some researchers are first to adopt a more positive psychological perspective and accept found considerable evidence to support the presence of more positive responses following the survival of traumatic events. For instance, Linley and Joseph (2003) have found that between 30% and 90% of trauma survivors from mainly western populations written report experiences of growth. Researchers are currently developing psychological models to explain its occurrence; however, further research is needed to verify findings (Linley and Joseph, 2003; Calhoun and Tedeschi, 2004).

Tedeschi and Calhoun (1995) get-go proposed an explanatory model of the mechanisms past which posttraumatic growth occurs. They draw on the work of Janoff-Bulman (1992) and consider how experiences of trauma can shatter assumptions relating to the self every bit worthy, and the world every bit benevolent and meaningful. As trauma survivors endeavour to rebuild their view of the world, adaptations to previously held schemas could include more positive perceptions of the cocky and others. Cognitive processes such as intrusive thoughts and avoidance are seen as mechanisms that allow for the processing of distressing information in bite-size forms. Rumination is seen as an adaptive mechanism that can facilitate the assimilation of new data arising from the trauma with existing schema. The cognitive processes described to a higher place allow for the completion of iii master tasks from which growth tin can emerge: manageability, comprehensibility and meaningfulness.

An important criticism of Tedeschi and Calhoun's model concerns the express consideration that has been given to the role of cultural factors in influencing growth experiences. Although the role of social relationships is discussed, little attention has been given to the broader cultural context (McMillen, 2004; Pals and McAdams, 2004; Park, 2004). Much of the therapeutic intendance offered to refugee populations recovering from traumatic experiences is based on theoretical models of understanding that have developed from a western conceptualisation of the problem (Davies and Webb, 2000). These models of care may not provide the best fit for helping not-western populations.

The current research aimed to explore how unaccompanied minors have actively synthetic their experiences of trauma and the important meanings they accept attached to these experiences that accept led to positive changes and feelings of growth in the face of so much adversity. What is considered a growth experience or positive change may differ from western populations, as too may the pathways to achieving this experience. Ideological and political meanings attached to the trauma experience may evidence important in facilitating a growth narrative, along with other important cultural factors such equally performing rituals or participating in culturally practised ceremonies. An agreement of how these factors have influenced the development of a meaningful narrative that tin can facilitate growth experiences is important for guiding therapeutic intervention. Informed practitioners can help to co-construct a postal service-trauma narrative that better reflects the unaccompanied minors'aut hentic and personal meaning. As yet, no research studies accept explored the procedure of growth following trauma in unaccompanied refugee minors. Woodward and Joseph's (2003) review of the literature has shown that people who report more than growth experiences post-obit trauma testify better long-term adjustment. A greater agreement of the internal processes that facilitate growth experiences is considered particularly valuable when because the horrific nature of unaccompanied refugee minors'traum a and the enormous job of adapting to such change. Woodward and Joseph (2003) recommend further qualitative enquiry to explore whether the growth processes described above can be generalised to non-western populations.

Method

For a number of reasons, an interpretative phenomenological analytical (IPA) (Smith et al, 1999) approach was considered the most suitable method in exploring refugees'personal accounts of growth and positive change following trauma. For example, the epistemological underpinnings of a phenomenological approach aim to provide the researcher with a method for conducting a detailed analysis of a participant'southward subjective feel of the phenomenon in question. This method avoids using a priori systems of significant that occur when using standard quantitative instruments, and therefore avoids limiting participants' response options. Consequently, they are gratuitous to express novel and challenging views that perhaps do not readily fit a predefined model; this allows for the possibility of new theoretical insights. An ethics commission fastened to the writer's university gave approval for the study, every bit did the NHS local inquiry ethics commission.

Two social services departments agreed to help with the recruitment of participants. The principles of purposive sampling (Willig, 2001) were taken into consideration when selecting suitable participants with the social workers. This approach aimed to identify those participants who were most likely to provide theoretical insights into the inquiry question. Participants identified had, therefore, sought asylum as unaccompanied minors, and were willing to discuss mail-trauma experiences in relation to growth and positive change. The social workers discussed the purpose and aims of the study with possible participants. A letter of the alphabet and information canvas were given to each person. Eight people agreed to participate in the study, and ii participants approached refused (come across Tabular array one).

Interviews

Semi-structured interviews were constructed post-obit guidelines outlined by Smith and Osborn (2003). The showtime author obtained written consent and conducted the interviews. Each participant was asked if they would like an interpreter to assist with the interview process, and ii participants opted for this. Interviews lasted approximately 40 minutes. The interviews were record recorded and transcribed verbatim with identifying features changed (see Box 1).

Information analysis

The interview transcripts were analysed in accordance with the principles of IPA every bit outlined past Smith et al (1999). This involves a four-stage process of assay.

i The first writer engaged in a process of reading and rereading the interview transcript, jotting down notes in the left hand margin concerning initial thoughts and observations in response to what was read.

2 The emerging themes were given titles, written in the right-hand margin of the transcript, which reflected her interpretation of the essential quality of the participant's expressed pregnant.

3 The emergent theme titles were and then listed on a divide piece of newspaper and examined to see if any of the themes were connected or related to each other. Some themes were amassed together to capture a specific category of meaning. These superordinate themes were and then given a separate characterization.

4 The themes and superordinate themes, together with the location of relevant quotes, were then summarised in a table. Tracing back each theme and superordinate theme to the relevant quote ensures that the data are grounded in the participant's business relationship.

This four-phase process of analysis was repeated for each of the transcripts. Any themes that were only minimally supported by the information and/or were evaluated equally providing merely minimal insights were then dropped from analysis. The tertiary and 2nd authors monitored the analytical process, and a information assay group with other trainee psychologists provided an additional forum for verification of identified themes.

Tabular array 1:. Demographic information

Box 1: A broad outline of interview questions and prompts

While IPA is concerned with gaining as much of an insider perspective as possible, the approach recognises that the researcher cannot present this in its entirety, equally the researcher's own beliefs, experiences and motivations will color the interpretative process. A personal business relationship describing the first author's motivations for conducting the enquiry and possible influences on her interpretations tin be institute in Box two. This volition allow the reader to decipher how much the above factors may have influenced the findings and to consider alternative interpretations from a different perspective.

Results and word

While the written report aimed to explore the processes of growth and positive change post-obit trauma, the degree to which each young person had experienced this phenomenon varied. However, a common blueprint of themes did emerge from the analysis. These themes were grouped under 4 main superordinate themes (see Box 3) each of which is addressed below.

The impact of trauma

Participants described the ways in which the traumas they had experienced had impacted on their lives. Two main themes emerged from analysis: a search for meaning, and dislocation and loss.

Theme 1: a search for pregnant

Participants spoke of engaging in a procedure of questioning why events had happened and what information technology had Participants spoke of engaging in a process of questioning why events had happened and what it had

Box 2:Owning i'south perspective

Box three:Themes and superordinate themes.

'I used to call back well-nigh ... and I'one thousand like why? How is information technology then? Why is it only me who survived?Why did it have to be me?

I should have gone and other people stayed ...'(Participant 2)

'You ask yourself what has happened. The question you go on asking ... the beginning question is why? Why did it happen like this?'(Participant 7)

In their search for meaning, many participants described a process of continually thinking about what had happened to them, repeatedly going over and over events in their mind:

'... simply you know there are days and nights that I tin can't cease thinking virtually it ... just ... I can't cease thinking virtually information technology.' (Participant four)

Engaging in a process of questioning why traumatic events take happened is a mutual feel for many trauma survivors, and has been understood as a reflection of their internalised country of shock and cliffhanger (Janoff-Bulman, 1992). Tedeschi and Calhoun (2004) consider rumination to be an adaptive process in helping to integrate the traumatic feel into newly rebuilt schemas and revised assumptions. For the majority of participants, engaging in a process of thinking aboutwhat had happened to them, and why, appeared to be beneficial as they were able to describe some positives outcomes post-obit this.

Theme 2: dislocation and loss

This theme emerged from participants'descri ptive accounts of the types of losses they had endured. These feelings were frequently continued to experiences of separation from family members and loss of a familiar way of life:

'... because ... I lost a lot of things ... I lost everything.' (Participant iv)

'Offset of all when you are in a country which you don't speak the language, you lot don't know the rules and regulations, you have no friends, nobody actually simply to say hello or to talk to.'(Participant 1)

The losses described past participants in this written report are consistent with findings from existing literature reviewed (meet, for example, Ajdukovic and Ajdukovic, 1998). Less well documented in the literature is the sense of overwhelming responsibility participants described equally a outcome of enduring such losses. For case:

'... But at present, hither by myself, on my ain, it is very difficult, information technology is very difficult to cope, you know, 24-hour interval-to-twenty-four hours life, you know, today what should I do with this, what should I practise with that, where should I go at present ... these are not easy.' (Participant 1)

Variables influencing the procedure of positive change

A number of cardinal experiences and/or turning points were identified from participants'accounts that appeared to act as vehicles for positive change.

Theme 3: social support

The variable social support influenced the process of alter on a number of different levels. Beginning, the experience of putting the trauma into words appeared to help participants to procedure what had happened, and reach a greater understanding because:

'... when you lot talk about it you come up to understand it, perhaps ... maybe information technology happened for a reason.'(Participant two)

The finding supports Tedeschi and Calhoun's (2004) view in which they emphasise the important part others can play in helping the traumatised individual to verbalise their experiences, creating a narrative that will assistance trauma recovery. The office of the listener was as well identified equally an important gene in this process. For instance, supportive and sympathetic responses mattered greatly to the immature people and appeared to influence the development of greater self-esteem and more than positive schema reconstruction. From their point of view:

The finding supports Tedeschi and Calhoun'south (2004) view in which they emphasise the important function others tin play in helping the traumatised individual to verbalise their experiences, creating a narrative that volition aid trauma recovery. The part of the listener was too identified equally an important factor in this process. For case, supportive and sympathetic responses mattered greatly to the young people and appeared to influence the development of greater cocky-esteem and more positive schema reconstruction. From their signal of view:

Neimeyer (2004) discusses how emphatic responses from others can solicit 'validation of one's experience and the provision of social support that can facilitate healing and growth'. Cryder et al (2006) also found that a supportive social environment played a primal, influential role in the development of positive competency beliefs in his sample of children who had survived a hurricane. Being with people and sharing experiences, peculiarly with people who had survived like traumatic events, allowed participants in this sample to compare their own situations with others'. Participants spoke of comparing with others who were managing well, and used their observations to help them to generate new goals and possibilities for their ain futures:

'... my mate, she was similar ... she used to talk about ''now you see I finish higher, I have to go for this, I have to go for this'' and I was like, yeah, maybe I could also do it.' (Participant 2)

Tedeschi and Calhoun (1995) as well hash out the important role of social back up provided by peoplewho accept shared similar experiences. They discuss how trauma survivors are more probable to incorporate new perspectives from people who have 'been in that location', and this can lead to more than adaptive schema integration.

Participants also spoke of comparison with others who were perceived to be lesswell off. This appeared to help the immature people to recognise and appreciate their ain force and resiliency. For example:

'... I come across how other teenagers act as well, you know, I am saying to myself, I wasn't that bad ... you know, when I compare myself to other people ... the way I went about things, I didn't terminate upwardly drinking, taking drugs or anything ...'(Participant 8)

Downward comparisons have been found to be a particularly favoured cerebral strategy used by people who have experienced trauma, resulting in increased self-esteem besides as decreasing feelings of feet and depression (Tedeschi and Calhoun, 1995).

Participants spoke well-nigh how important support was, peculiarly from social services, in meeting basic needs and how much it was appreciated. Even so, participants as well spoke of how this in itself was not plenty to foster more positive feelings. What was seen as equally of import by participants was the availability of someone to confide their worries to and who could offer comfort:

'... my social worker spoke to me virtually information technology, and she was so cross with me because my landlord was saying I was not staying in the business firm, maybe she has a boyfriend or whatever. But then, they didn't get my point. I didn't want to be lone, because when I was lonely I could get upset, all the memories would come up back ... I had to find a friend ... at to the lowest degree like for two people, you could console each other.'(Participant five)

Much of the mail-traumatic growth literature has focused on how the caring and supportive responses of others tin can influence cerebral processing and schema alter. From the analysis of transcripts, information technology appeared that participants were also expressing the important role others play in helping to soothe and manage distressing feelings related to the trauma experienced. Drawing on attachment theory, the process of seeking comfort from others tin activate an internalised secure base of operations experience, producing a physiological response that tin can help to regulate affective states (Holmes, 2001). The strong physiological response of being comforted and soothed by others appeared to play a pregnant function in trauma recovery for these participants, and helped to lay the foundations from which growth and positive change emerged.

Theme 4: action

Connected to social back up is the role of action in helping recovery from trauma and facilitating positive changes. Engaging in pleasurable activities provided a welcome distraction from pitiful memories of past trauma, and an outlet for managing potent melancholia states. For participant viii information technology helped:

'... to deal with my anger, I go to the gym, do boxing, practise running on the treadmill, that will cool me down. I can't shout back ... I find it hard to shout at people, you know, or ... express my anger verbally, you know, I practice it in the gym ...'(Participant 8)

Increasing pleasurable activities is well known to be an effective intervention for reducing the depressive affect in depressed populations (Beck, 1989). Information technology might besides prove a very useful intervention for helping young people manage negative ruminations and increase positive feelings from engaging in activities they observe enjoyable. Some of the young people in this study chose to engage in activities whereby they could be of utilize to others and this also appeared to play an important role in fostering self-esteem and selfefficacy because:

'... here in the United kingdom, they phone call me for like conferences and seminars to talk about my experiences and my achievements, and so ... similar this tin can ... empower other young youth ... becoming more than ... realising their ambitions and requite them some other way ... I just retrieve of myself and I feel proud.' (Participant 5)

'... because I do sometimes voluntary work for like kids that take got AIDS and ... some of them accept been through the same situation equally me but ... so I go there and I speak to them and they say I am a very understanding person because ... yous've been there ... and I love going at that place because then you feel better almost yourself considering you're non worse ... They grinning because yous went in that location and said howdy or merely rubbed their manus and but said everything is going to exist OK ... and that makes them smiling and you lot're thinking ... maybe my life is not that bad ... you know, perhaps I'm doing a chip better than I idea ... it's very good ... yous know, way to find a manner, I similar doing something like that ...'(Participant viii)

Tedeschi and Calhoun (1995) comment on how the experience of having survived such traumatic events can atomic number 82 to a 'recognition that one has something precious to offer other people in great turmoil'. Survivors can perhaps relate to and empathise with the distressed individual in ways that others who had not endured such experiences might find difficult.

Theme v: religion

Many of the immature people in this report spoke of the of import role religion played in facilitating positive change/feelings of growth. Religious behavior functioned as a guide for how to pb one's life, and facilitated the development of pregnant and comprehension in coming to terms with the impact of the trauma. In their view:

'... if you accept a strong faith, you will leave most of the things that have happened to you, you know, in someone else's hands. We believe that whatever comes for the states, you know, it's God really, who wants it to happen, or, you lot know, just for us to go forward or practise something with the help of him, really.'(Participant ane)

In the absenteeism of parental guidance, and living in a land where nothing is familiar, the need for guidance from some other source is increased. Through attending a church building or mosque, reading the Bible or Koran, for example, and listening to religious teachings, at that place is an opportunity to meet this need.

Another important function religion appeared to serve was in coming together participants'emoti onal needs. Many spoke of the comfort they received from their behavior aswell as the social support received from other church members:

'... I amMuslim andemmm... I tell him, you know, all my problems, everything that happened and he gives me strength.'(Participant 6)

The function of religious beliefs in providing guidance and in coming together emotional needs is also not well documented in Tedeschi and Calhoun's (2004) model. Their accent is on the part of religious beliefs influencing cognitive processing and the evolution of significant/comprehensibility. Omeri et al (2004) also comment on the importance of religious behavior in giving meaning to traumatic events, and emphasise their function in bringing the community together with a shared understanding and response to the furnishings of trauma. This shared understanding and support from the young people's religious community appeared an important factor in providing much-needed guidance and condolement.

Positive outcomes

Participants were able to place positive changes that had occurred following their experiences of trauma. For some, positive changes experienced were extremely limited and concerned merely the removal of threat; others perceived greater changes.

Theme half-dozen: positive changes in self-perception

The majority of participants perceived a greater sense of personal strength, and some too perceived a greater empathy and ability to intendance for others. For example:

'... I've become stronger ...' (Participant 2)

'I've managed to be potent ... I'm simply similar more ... more sensitive ... yes, like patient, like self-content ... and kind ...'(Participant 5)

In the literature reviewed by Tedeschi and Calhoun (1995), a greater sense of personal forcefulness was plant to be a common mail-traumatic growth outcome. They discuss how 'the crisis result tin set in motion the need to come across a wide array of specific demands, and meeting these successfully can greatly enhance the individual's personal forcefulness' (Tedeschi and Calhoun, 1995). Having endured a number of crisis events, resulting in a need to meet a wide range of demands, success in meeting these demandswithout the support of family networks is highly likely to pb to a greater sense of personal strength and self-reliance.

Theme vii: desire to live a purposive life

Participants also spoke of their want to alive a purposive life, including altruistic goals of wanting to help others. For Participant 2:

'... if at all I could go to uni, I would maybe work in a hospital or something. Get money that would do good another kids ... or peoplewho aredown...'(P articipant 2)

For some, this want stemmed from their own experiences of suffering and wanting to share the knowledge and agreement they gained from these experiences, in the promise that they could be of assistance to others:

'... I've just developed like ... helping other people ... crusade in my suffering I ... I simply feel similar other people are suffering merely similar me as well ... I only experience young people especially; I just feel that they are vulnerable and if I can ... I can assist them with their lives ...'(Participant 5)

'Social piece of work? Yep, I desire to do it because I have been through it and information technology feels like social workers ... most of them oasis't, they haven't been through it. So they don't listen, you know, all of u.s.a. young people ask for is someone to listen ... you see, that'south why I want to practice it ...' (Participant 8)

Tedeschi and Calhoun (2004) also recognise greater compassion and empathy for others as an event of post-traumatic growth, which they take placedwithin the growth domain of more intimate relationships with others. They annotate on how trauma survivors engaged in a process of post-traumatic growth are more likely to offer support to others in similar situations and are more likely to empathise with their distress.

Dissonance

Participants described how their perceptions of positive change co-existed with ongoing feelings of distress and worry. Participants besides spoke of a mismatch betwixt their positive external presentation and their internal experience of distress.

Theme 8: co-beingness of ongoing distress and positive changes

Participants described how, through their experiences of having survived traumatic events, they had come to see themselves every bit much stronger and much more selfreliant. Withal, ongoing worries and concern led to the co-existence of feelings of distress aslope the recognition of positive modify considering:

'... everything has just went forward slowly in a good manner which I amvery happy and grateful [about] ... But, equally I say, not to take whatsoever discussion from my mother, because it seems they accept lost the family home that we had. So that is another bad news, because I do not know where my mother or remaining family unit is living ...'(Participant ane)

Tedeschi and Calhoun (1995) take emphasised in their model of growth that the presence of posttraumatic growth does not necessarily mean an absence of psychological pain; the two can co-exist. The personal accounts from participants would support this view. Participants in this study continued to face a number of challenges as a consequence of their refugee status. Participants reported a number of ongoing concerns including difficulties with housing, financial issues, worries about family members and their asylum status. In the face up of such difficulties, the presence of emotional distress should not exist underestimated.

Theme 9: mismatch between internal feeling land and external presentation

Two participants described how they would portray a positive exterior that hid their true feelings of distress and worry. For example:

'... I am trying my best, y'all know, to look improve and to requite me a little flake, you know, to lift myself and I amdoing that. For example, this house is beautiful simply you don't know what'southward inside. And then, information technology's the same thing, like that ane. For me, just to wash upwards and dress up and make my pilus and dress like this is just to wait much better.'(Participant 6)

The mismatch between participants'exte rnal presentation and internal feelings is likely to be a factor that could lead to an underestimation of current feelings of distress. Participants in this written report reported that the role of this mismatch was to increment positive feelings and to protect the self from being judged negatively past others. Participants describing this phenomenon also reported an absenteeism of a supportive and empathic listener. Without the support of others, the young person misses out on opportunities for validation that may accept fostered feelings of selfworth and lessened the demand for a protective outside.

Conclusion

Figure 1:Schematic representation of themes and possible links between them in describing the procedure of positive change within this sample.

The research aimed to explore experiences of positive modify following trauma in a sample of unaccompanied refugee minors. The findings illustrate the process of positive modify within this sample (see Effigy 1) and further research is now needed with other refugee and asylum-seeker populations to come across if findings can be replicated. Many of the themes discussed in this written report were very well supported in a number of different accounts, and link with findings from existing literature. This suggests a clear direction in which appropriate interventions should develop. The findings highlight the important part social support, activity and religious beliefs play in facilitating positive change/post-traumatic growth. For service providers aiming to meet the needs of unaccompanied refugee minors, interventions should focus on helping the young person to access a wide range of supportive networks such equally back up groups, voluntary work, afterward-schoolhouse activities, and religious communities. Professionals should also provide a space in which the immature person can feel condom to disclose their trauma history, feel listened to and exist responded to in a way that conveys empathy, warmth and understanding.

Every bit discussed in the introduction, western models of postal service-traumatic growth have been criticised for lack of consideration given to cultural contexts in which positive alter can emerge. However, the findings from the higher up study appeared to link well with Tedeschi and Calhoun's (2004) explanatory model. The importance of religious beliefs in fostering feelings of positive modify was a theme that may well have been driven past a strong cultural narrative in which religion is highly valued and plays a central office in many of the countries from which participants came; notwithstanding, other cultural factors such as strong political ideologies and particular cultural ritualswere not commented upon. The findings above echo the universality of human being feel following trauma.

However, while participants did not comment specifically on particular cultural influences, this does not hateful they did non be. Participants may non have felt comfortable disclosing specific cultural practices to a white, middle class researcher. Had participants been interviewed by someone from their own culture, these cultural themes may accept been more hands elicited. Many research findings such equally those reported past Omeri et al (2004, 2006) emphasise the importance of attending to culturally specific problems when working with refugee populations, as a lack of sensitivity to these issues oft results in barriers to accessing advisable services, for case services and procedures incompatible with cultural beliefs and practices, a lack of translated health information and lack of interpreters. Balancing an sensation of difference with recognition of shared feel may show beneficial to service developers. Overall, the findings advise that professionals working with unaccompanied refugee minors tin play a cardinal part non only in recognising and alleviating distress, just also in helping the young person to rebuild their 'shattered'globe , seeing themselves equally in one case once more worthy and the world as benevolent.

CONFLICTS OF Interest

None.

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